
,3 




E 458 

.3 

.T96 

Copy 1 



)YAL PUBLICATION SOCIETY, 

863 BROADl¥A¥. 

./To. 33. 



Wiu iw0 Wixp d Mxmmx ; 



OE, 



THE OPEK TRAITOE OF THE SOUTH FACE TO 

FACE WITH HIS SKULKING ABETTOE 

AT THE NOKTH. 




NEW YORKt OCT., 186S. 



NEW YOEK: 

"Wm. C. Bryant & Co., Printers, 41 Nassau Street, cor. Libertt. 

1863. 



LOYAL PUBLICATION SOCIETY, 



Thelpbjects of the Society are expressed in the following Besolvr 
tion^ formally adopted ly the imanimous vote of the Society, 
at its first Meeting, 14 February, 1S63. 

Resolved, That the object of this organization is, and shall be confined to 
the distribution of Journals and Documents of unquestionable and uncondi- 
tional loyalty throughout the United States, and particularly in the Armies 
now engaged in the suppression of the Rebellion, and to counteract, as far as 
practicable, the efforts now being made by the enemies of the Government 
and the advocates of a disgraceful peace to circulate journals and document* 
of a disloyal character. 



Persons symjpathising loith the objects of this Society and wish 
ij\g to contribute funds for its sujyport, may address 

MOERIS lOilTCIIUM, Esq., Trm^Mrer, 40 Exchange Place, 
lieceij^ts wiU he promptly returned. 



J 



LOYAL PUBLICATION SOCIETY, 

863 BROADWAY. 

JVo. 33. 



THE TWO WAYS OF TREASON ; 



THE OPEN TKAITOR OF THE SOUTH FACE TO 

FACE WITH Ills SKULKING ABETTOE 

AT THE NOETH. 



By force of sheer reiteration, thousands of ignorant and thought- 
less people at the North, as well as in Europe, have been per- 
suaded into the belief that tlie Government of the United States, 
and the loyal people who sustain it, were in some way re- 
sponsible for the war which now, for nearly three years, has 
devastated the country; or, at least, that they might at any 
time honorably end it, and restore peace and tranquillity if they 
chose. 

Presuming upon their ability to bewilder and mislead the 
popular mind, the secret abettors of the rebellion, under the 
name of Peace Democrats, have undertaken to organize apoliti- 
cal party upon these wholly unfounded assumptions, and so, by 
dividing the people of the North, give the most efficient aid and 
comfort to the slave barons, in their war to overthrow free in- 
stitutions on this continent. 



2 

Said Horatio Seymour, at the Academy of Music, in tlic city 
of New York, on the 4th day of July, 1863 : " We stood before 
this community a few years ago, to warn them of the dangers of 
sectional strife. Again, at a later day, when the clouds of war 
overhung our country, we implored those in authority to com- 
promise that difficulty. You have the results of these unheeded 
warnings and unheeded i)rayers; they have stained our soil 
with blood ; they have carried mourning into thousands of 
homes, and to-day they have brought our country to the very 
verge of destruction." 

Said Mr. Puyh, in a speech to 50,000 voters, who nominated 
Horatio Seymour's friend Vallandigham, and resolved to elect 
him Governor of Ohio— as witness " The Society for the Diffusion 
of Political Knowledge''' — " I know that slaves and suppliants 
pretending once to have been with us, give themselves the task 
of asserting that the South would not accept any reasonable 
terms of compromise. It is not a matter of opinion with me, 
for I was a member of Congress and familiar with the transac- 
tions of which I speak. Mr. Lincoln and his supporters were 
entreated, earnestly entreated, as well as warned, not to launch 

THIS COLTJTET INTO THE VORTEX OF CR'IL WAR ; but they SCOlTIcd 

entreaty and laughed at advice." 

And President Morse of that same " Society for the Diffusion 
of Political Knowledge,^'' under date of March 2d, 1863, said: 
" To the action of Mr. Field and his radical associates in the 
Peace Congress, can be traced the present awful condition of 
the country." 

To all this and much more of the same tenor, daily poured 
fortli from the Copperhead press, what says Mr. A. II. Stephens, 
the present Vice-President of the so-called Southern Confed- 
eracy, and without doubt the ablest thinker of all tliose engaged 
in the great treason? 

In the Georgia State Convention, held in January, 1861, to 
determine the question of secession for that State, Mr. Stephens 
gave utterance to the following memorable words: 

" This step (of secession) once taken, can never be recalled; 
and all the baleful and withering consequences that must follow, 
will rest on tlie convention for ail coming time. When we and 



8 

our posterity shall see mir lovely South desolated by the demon 
of war, WHICH this act of yours will inevitably invite and 
CALL FORTH ; wlicH oui* grceii fields of waving harvest shall be 
trodden down by the murderous soldiery and fiery car of war 
sweeping over our land ; our temples of justice laid in ashes ; 
all the horrors and desolations of war upon us ; who but this 
Convention will be held resuonsible for it ? and who« but 
him who shall have given his vote for this unwise and ill-timed 
measure, as I honestly think and believe, shall be held to 
strict account for this suicidal act by the present genera- 
tion, AND PROBABLY CURSED AND EXECRATED BY POSTERITY FOR ALL 

COMING TIME, for the wide and desolating ruin that will inevi- 
tably follow this act you now propose to perpetrate ? Pause, I 
entreat you, and consider for a moment what reasons you can 
give that will even satisfy yourselves in calmer moments — what 
reasons you can give to your fellow-sutFerers in the calamity that 
it will bring upon us. What reasons can you gr^e to the na- 
tions OF the earth to justify it ? They will be the calm and 
deliberate judges in the case ; and what cause or one overt act can 
vou name or point, on which to rest the plea of justification ? 
W hat right has the North assailed ? What interest of the 
South has been invaded ? What justice has been denied ? and 
what claim founded in justice and right has been withheld ? 
Can either of you to-day name one governmental act of wrong, 
deliberately and purposely done by the government of Washing- 
ton, of which the South has a right to complain ? I challenge 
the answer. While, on the other hand, let me show the facts 
(and believe me, gentlemen, I am not here the advocate of the 
North ; but I am here the friend, the firm friend and lover of 
the South and her institutions, and for this reason I speak thus 
plainly and faithfully for yours, mine, and every other man's 
interest, the words of truth and soberness), of which I wish you 
to judge, and I will only state facts which are clear and unde- 
niable, and which now stand as records authentic in the history 
of our country. AVhen we of the South demanded the slave 
trade, or the importation of Africans for the cultivation of our 
lands, did they not yield the right for twenty years ? When we 
asked a three-fifths representation in Congress for our slaves, wSs 
it not granted ? When we asked and demanded the return of 
any fugitive from justice, or the recovery of those persons owing 
labor or allegiance, was it not incorporated in the Constitution, 
and again ratified and strengthened l:)y the Fugitive Slave Law of 
1850 ? But do you reply that in many instances they have vio- 
lated this compact, and have not been faithful to their engage- 
ments ? As individual and local communities, they may have 
done so ; but not by the sanction of government ; for that has 
always been true to Southern interests. Again, gentlemen, 



look at another fact, when we have asked that more territory 
honld be added, thit we nnght^spread the inshtut.on ^^^ 
have thev not yielded to our demands m giving ns Louibiana 
Florida and Texas, out of which four States have been carved 
and ample territory for four more to be added m due time, if 
you by\ iB unwise and impolitic act, do not destroy tins hope 
and perhaps, by it lose all, and have your last slave ^jrenched 
S.m you by Uern military rule, as South America and Mexico 
wer^ ? or by the vindictive decree of a universal emancipation, 
which may reasonably be expected to follow. But, again, gen- 
toien what have we to gain by this proposed change ot our 
relatioA to the general government ? We have always had he 
control of it, ami can yet, if we remain m it and are as united 
as we have l.een. We have had a majority of the presidents 
chosen from the South ; as well as the control and management 
of most of those chosen from the INorth. A\ e have had sixty 
years of Southern presidents to their twenty -four, thus controll- 
ing the executive department. So of the judges ot the Supreme 
Court, we have had eighteen from tlie ^outh, and but eleven 
from the Korth ; although nearly fom'-hfths ot the judicial busi- 
ness has arisen in the Free States, vet a majority ol the Court 
has always been from the South. Tins we have required, so as 
to guard against any interpretation ot the Constitution unfavoi- 
able to us In hke manner we have been c(pially watchtul to 
guard our interests in the legislative branch of government. 
!n choosing the presiding presidents {pro tern.) of the Senate, 
we have had twenty-four to their eleven, ^peakers ot the 
house, we have had twenty-three, and they twelve, mule the 
maioritv of the representatives, from their greater population, 
have always been from the North, yet we have so generally se- 
cured the Speaker, because he, to a greater extent, shapes and 
controls the legislation of the country. IS or have we had less 
control in every other department of the general government. 
Attorney-Generals we have had lourteen, while the North have 
had but live. Foreign ministers we have had eighty-six and 
thev but hftv-four. AVhile tliree-fourths of the business which 
demands diph.matic agents abroad is clearly from the Iree 
States from their greater commercial interests, yet we have had 
the principal embassies, so as to secure the world markets for 
our cotton tobacco, and sugar, ..n the best pussil.le terms. A\ e 
have had a vast majority of the higher ofhces ot both army and 
navv while a laro-er ]iroportion of the soldiers and sailors were 
drawn from the 'Xorth. E-imdly so of clerks, auditors, and 
comptrolk'i-s tilliui; the executive department, the records show 
for the la'^t tiftv years that of three thousand thus employed, we 
have had more than two-thirds of the same, while we have but 
one-third of the white population of the Republic. Again, look 



at another item, and one, be assured, in wliicli we have a great 
and vital interest ; it is that of revenue, or means of supporting 
government. From oflicial documents we learn that a fraction 
over three-fourths of the revenue collected for the support of 
government has uniformly been raised from the North. Pause 
now while you can, gentlemen, and contemplate carefully and 
candidly these important items. Leaving out of view, for the 
present, the countless millions of dollars you must expend in 
a M-ar with the North ; with tens of thousands of your sons and 
brothers slain in battle, and oifercd up as sacrifices upon the 
altar of your ambition — and for what ? we ask again. Is it for 
the overthrow of the American government, established by our 
common ancestry, cemented and built up by their sweat and 
blood, and founded on the broad principles of right, justice, and 
humanity ? And, as such, I must declare here, as I have often 
done before, and which has been repeated b}' the greatest and 
wisest of statesmen and patriots in this and other lands, that it 
is the best and freest government — the most equal in its rights, 
the most just in its decisions, the most lenient in its measures, 
and the most aspiring in its principles to elevate the race of men, 
that the sun of heaven ever shone upon. Now, for you to at- 
tempt to overthrow such a government as this, under which we 
have lived for more than three-quarters of a century — in which 
we have gained our M'ealth, our standing as a nation, our do- 
mestic safety while the elements of peril are around us, with 
peace and tranquillity accompanied with unbounded prosperity 
and rights unassailed — is the height of tnadness^ folly, and 
icichedness, to which I can neither lend my sanction nor my 
vote." 

The war, then, according to the v*^ords of the frank and open 
traitor, w\as "inevitably called forth by the act of secession,'"* 
and that they who perpetrated that act will be held responsible for 
it — "will be held to a strict account for that suicid/U. act 

BY the PEESENT GENEEATIOISr, AND PROBABLY CURSED AND EXE- 
CRATED BY POSTERITY FOR ALL COMING TtME." 

The eminently sleek and specious Mr. Seymour, then, when he 
stood before "this comuiunity" on that 4th day of July, 1863, 
and declared " that it was the results of his unheeded warnings 
that had stained our soil with blood, and to-day had brought our 
country to the very verge of destruction," must have been either 
ignorant of the purport of the act to which Mr. Stephens refers, 
or, if he knew it, like a false and traitorous demagogue, he con- 



c 

cealcd the truth Irom his audience, for the sinister purpose of 
arousing their prejudices and evil passions against the national 
government, in its struggle to preserve the national life. 

At all events, as to the Avar, and who shonld be held account- 
able for it, the avokd of the open traitor stands point blank 
against that of the other. 

It is true, that notwithstanding his clear sense of the enor- 
mous crime about to be committed, and of the terrible conse- 
quences which were sure to follow, Mr. Stephens had previously 
pledged himself to go with his state, and he went. He had 
said to the Legislature of Georgia, Nov. 14th, 1860, in urging them, 
in opposition to Toombs, Cobb and others, not to precipitate the 
state into secession by legislative action, but to call a convention 
of the people : " Should Georgia determine to go out of the 
Union, though my views might not agree with them, whatever 
tlie result nuiy be, 1 shall bow to the will of the people. Their 
cause is my cause, their destiny my destiny." But at the same 
time and to that same Legislature lie said: "I look upon this 
country, with our iustitutions, as the Eden of the world, the 
Paradise of tlie universe. It may be tliat out of it, we may be- 
come greater and more prosperous [that was the argument of 
Toombs and his coadjutors] ; but I aui candid and sincere in 
telling vou that I fear, if we rashly and without sufficient cause, 
shall take that step [secession], that, instead of becoming greater 
or more peaceful, prosperous and happy — instead of becoming 
cods, we will become ue^ions.'' 

It is something for a man, if his patriotism is not great enough 
to embrace his whole country, to love even his own state, and be 
willing to sacritice himself to its judgments, however blind and 
erruneuus. At least, it is in striking contrast with the sinister 
and skulking demagogues here at the JSTorth, who, for the paltry 
ends of personal advancement, in the name of democracy and 
peace, do not hesitate to put at risk the ruin of both country and 
state. 

Certainly, if one were to judge frum the recent public efforts 
of Mr. /Si'i/mou?' to sophisticate and pervert the popular judg- 
ment of the country, the slightest conception of the great cause 
of the war would never be reached ; but on the contrary, the 
inevital)le conclusion would be, tliat it arose here at the North, 



in some atrocious attempt, not of tlie rebels, but of tlie National 
Government and of the Loyal People who sustain it, to over- 
throw the National Constitution, and subvert the personal rights 
and liberties of the citizen. 

War has been well called " the scourge of God." To sup- 
pose he ever permits its use in his govennnent of the world, ex- 
cept to purge some otherwise fatal luunan guilt, Avould be, not 
only to ignore all the lessons of history, but to derogate from 
the paternal character of God himself. And yet, if the chiefs 
of the Copperhead Coil are to be believed, our present war 
sprung out of the opinions of a class of men here at the ISTorth, 
who hold to the apparently innocent belief, that when you have 
discovered a poisonous weed growing in your garden, a good way 
to get rid of it is to pluck it up by the roots — to eradicate it — 
and thence their terrible name of Radicals. 

Not only is the war to be ascribed to the opinions of these 
radicals, but it is their opinions also which prevent the rebels 
from laying down their arms, " when," as was announced in 
that last Cooper Institute dribble, " %oe have put them in that 
frame of mind, that they will be content to remain under our 
government," To hold to the opinion that, so long as the cause 
of a thing exists, you never can be sure of the non-existence of 
the thing itself, however adroitly you may settle the terms of its 
cessation ; to hold that so long as the living root of Slav^ery re- 
mains in the National soil, and men drink of its poisonous juices, 
they cannot do otherwise than become traitors, because in its 
own nature. Slavery is treason to the fundamental idea of our 
Free Institutions. This is the head and front of the Radicals' 
offence ! Can there be any dovd)t in any Coi)perliead brain, as 
to the necessity of some great expiation for such a crime ? 
Treason and rebellion count for mere piccadillos in the presence 
of such guilt ! 

It is true there is cpiite another view of the uiattcr, but that 
arises within the lines of the open rebellion. 

The rebel Brigadier-Gen. E. W. Gantt, of Arkansas, late a 
member of the Confederate Congress, has just issued an address 
to the people of that rebel State, in which he declares Slavery 
to be the cause of the war, and proceeds to set forth his way to 



peace, which is by no means a Copperhead one, as follows : 

"Its existence (slavery) had become incompatible with the 
existence of the Governnieiit. For, while it had stood as a wal , 
cwlit 1 1 the current and holding back the people and labor- 
Ss oT he S\^-th, it had, by thus precluding free mte-conrse be- 
tween the sections, produced a marked change m their manners, 
cXms and sentiments. And the two sections were grmvmg 
^:^T^^ery day. This wall or the ^^^^^^ 
nmst <nve way. The shock came which was to settle the ques 
^ I thou-ht that the Goreniment was divided, and negro 
SlTwy established forever. / erred. The Government was 
'X. tL Slavery. J^ennion is certain, ^-^-omor^^a^ 
than the downfall of Slavery. ^^^.^^^^^ ^^^^' f^,^ X^^* 
the latter is accomplished. And, as his happmess ^^^f J^\^^y^ 
be subordinated to that of the white man, he nms , ere long 
depart on the foot-prints of the red man, whose mission being 
accomplished, is f^ist fading from om- midst. 

"Let us, fellow-citizens, endeavor to be cahn. Let us look 
the^e new ideas and om- novel position squarely m the lace. We 
fougMfor negro Slavery. Welost. TI^. may have to dow^^ 
out it. The inconvenience will be great lor a wMe--the los. 
heavv. This, however, is already well mgh accomplished 1 et 
behind this dark cloud is a silver Immg-if not loi 1 ^ ^^ l^^^^' 
for our children. Li the place of these bondsmen will come an 
influx of people from all parts of the world bringmg with them 
their wealth, arts and improvements, ''^^^^'^^ ^^"^^^^f !,^"; \^^^^^^^ 
and sinews to increase our aggregate wealth. Thrift and tiade, 
and a common destiny, will bind us together. 

" Let us live in hope, my griet-stricken brothers, that the da^ 
IS not far distant when Arkansas will rise Irom the ^^^^^s of hei 
desolation, to start on a path of higher destiny, thaii with negio 
Slaverv she ever could have reached; .^^nle the reunited 
Countrv, freed from this cankering sore, will be more vi-orous 
nn.l powerful and more thrifty, opulent and happy, than though 
the scourge of war liad never desolated her fields, or made sor- 
rowful hei- hearthstones. . .i • i i 

" The sooner we lay down our arms, and quit this hopeless 
stmcrgle, the sooner our days of prosperity will return 

"Thave witnessed the desolation ol the Southern States irom 
one end to the otlier. This hopeless struggle widens it Lach 
day makes new -raves, new orphans, and new mourners Jiach 
hour flin.'s into this dreadful whirlpool more ot wrecked hopes, 
broken fortunes, and anguished hearts. The rich have mostly 
fallen The poor have drunk deep of the cup ol sorrow, while 
Burelv and not slowly, the tide of ruin, in its resistless surge, 



sweeps toward tlie Tiiiddlo (;lasses. A fow more campaigns, and 
tliey will form a part of the general wreck. Each grave and 
each tear, eacli wasted fortune and hroken heart, puts us that 
much further off from the object of the struggle, and that much 
further off from peace and happiness. 

" Viewing it thus, the terrible (piestion was presented to me 
as to whether I should continue my lot in an enterprise so fruit- 
less and so full of Vvue, and help hold the masses of the people 
on to this terrible (((^spotism of Davis, where only ruin awaits 
them ; or whether I should be a quiet observer of it all, or, 
histly, whether 1 should assist in saving the reimumt of you from 
the wreck. 

"I have chosen the latter." 

But then there are still other views as to Peack within the 
rebel lines. 

To the insidious "implorings" of IForatio " to those in au- 
thority to COMPROMISE that ditiiculty," what answer comes from 
the open traitors at the rebel capital? 

The Richmond Enquirer of the 16th ultimo, the acknowledged 
organ of the maddened rebel, contains the following manifesto 
on the subject of 

" PEACE. " 

" Save on our own terms, we can accept no peace whatever, 
and must fight till doomsday, rather than yield an iota to them, 
and our terms are : 

" Kecognition by the enemy of the independence of the Con- 
federate IStates. 

" Withdrawal of the Yankee forces from every foot of Con- 
federate ground, including Kentucky and Missouri. 

" Withdrawal of the Yankee soldiers from Maryland, until 
that State shall decide, by a free vote, whether she shall remain 
in the old Union, or ask admission into the Confederacy. 

" Consent on the part of the Federal Government, to give up 
to the Confederacy its proportion of the navy as it stood at the 
time of secession, or to pay for the same. 

" Yielding up of all pretension, on the part of the Federal 
Government, to that portion of the old Territories which lies 
west of the Confederate States. 

" An equitable settlement on the basis of our absolute inde- 
pendence and equal rights of all accounts of the public debt 
and public lands, and the advantages accruing from foreign 
treaties. 
2 



10 

" Tliese provisions, \ve apprehend, comprise the minimnm of 
what we nnist require before we lay down our arms. That is 
to say, the North nnist yield all, — we nothing. The whole pre- 
tention of that country'^ to prevent, by force, the sei)aration of 
the States must be abandoned, which will be equivalent to an 
avowal that our enemies were wrong from the first; and, of 
course, as they waged a causeless and wicked war upon ns, they 
ought, in strict justice, to be required, according to usage in such 
cases, to reimburse to us the whole of our expenses and losses in 
the course of that war. Whether this last proviso is to be in- 
sisted upon or not, certain we are that we cannot liave any peace 
at all, until avc shall be in a position, not only to demand an 
exact, but also to enforce and collect treasure for our own reim- 
bursement out of the wealthy cities in the enemy's country. In 
other words, unless we can destroy or scatter their armies, and 
break up their Government, we can have no peace; and if we 
can do that, then we ought not only to extort from them our 
own full terms and ample acknowledgment of their Avrong, but 
also a handsome indemnity for the trouble and expense caused 
to us by their crime, 

" Now, we are not yet in position to dictate those terms to 
our enemies, with IIoskncrans' army still in the heart of our 
country, and Meade still on Vii'ginia soil, but though it is too 
soon to propose su('h conditions to them, yet it is im])ortant that 
we should keep them plainly before our own eyes as the only 
admissible basis of any conceivable peace. This well fixed in 
the Confederate mind, there will be no more fearlul looking for 
news from Europe, as if that blessed peace were to come to us 
over the sea, and not to be conquered on om- own ground. There 
will be no more gaping for hints of recognitiou and filling of 
the belly with the east wind ; no more distraction or divei'sion 
from the single momentous business of braciug up every nerve 
and sinew of the country for battle. 

" It is especially now, at the moment wheu great and perhaps 
decisive battles are iuipending at two or three points, that we 
think it most essential to insist iq^on the grand and entire mag- 
nificence of the stake and cause. 

" Ouce more we say it is all or nothing. This Confederacy or 
the Yankee nation, one or other, goes down, down to perdition. 
That is to say, one or the other must forfeit its national existence 
and lie at the mercy of its mortal enemy. 

" AVe all know by this time the fate in store for us if we suc- 
cumb. The other party has no smaller stake. 

" As surely as we completely ruin their armies — and without 
that is no peace nor truce at all — so surely shall we make them 
j^ay our war debt, though we wring it out of their hearts. And 



11 

tliey know it well, and, therefore, tliej cannot make peace ex- 
cept through their utter exhaustion and absolute inability to 
strike another blow. 

" The stake they have to forfeit, then, if they lose this dread- 
ful game, is as vital as ours. So is the stake to bo won if they 
win anything-. It is no less tlian the entire possession of our 
whole country, with us in it, and everything that is our-;, from 
Ohio to the Rio Grande, to have and to hold, to them and their 
heirs forever. 

But, on the other hand, what we mean to win is utter separa- 
tion from them for all time. We do not want to govern their 
country, but after levying upon it what seemeth good to us by 
way of indemnity, we leave it to commence its political life 
again from the beginning, liDping that the lesson may have 
made them s;uUler and wiser Yaidvces. 

" We shut them out f jrever, with all their unclean and scound- 
relly ways, intending to lead our lives here in our own Confed- 
erate way, within our own well-guarded bounds, and without, as 
St. John says, are dogs. 

" And let no Confederate feeble knees and tremulous back- 
bone say to us, this complete triumph is impossible; say that we 
must be coiitent with some kind of compromiso, and give and 
take ; on the contrary, wo must gain all or lose all, and thattlie 
Confederates will indeed win the giant game, we take to be as 
certain as any future event in this uncertain world. 

" Mkaoe's army aiul Ro^KivoiiANs' once scattered, Lincoln 
can get tio m )re aruiios. The draft turns out manifestly fruit- 
less. Both the German and Irish element are now for peace. 
The Yard<eeshave to bear the brunt of the war themselves, but 
in the meantime tlujir inevitable bardvrupt(^y is advancing like 
an armed man. Hungry ruin hastheiu in the wind, it caniu)t 
be long before the Cabinet of Washington will have, indeed, to 
consider seriously ])rop.)sals for peace, under auspices and cir- 
cumstances very ditl'erent from the present. For thejM-esent the 
war rolls and tliunders on, and may God defend the right." 

And yet, after all this, with that same bland and benignant 
countenance, with even more than the ordinary sheen of the cop- 
per in it, Horatio agai > stands before " this community," at the 
Cooper Institute, ()(;t. Slst, 1803, and says: " There is no fair- 
minded man who will stand up and say that it is as easy to sub- 
jugate the South as it is to conciliate the South ;" and then 
imploringly asks: " Why is it that this war is so strangely pro- 
longed? Why is it that, in detriment and injury to the righta 
of the people, it still rolls on?" 



12 



tiK fi IrT ■ r "^ '^'"'-'^SOg^'^^ to be asLamed, under 
ti.efto CO glare of tins last outburst of rebel lunacy an I ^^i!! 
one nngbt suppose that the nu.n.ory of that AeaderX of M^ ' 

o o!; ' d f "' T''""^' "' »™««g'--«<'n --.nd murder aH 
to s op the draft and seeure the constitutional rights of ''„?,r 
Southern bretln-en," would redden even Horatio's brow P„M 

Z:J2''"' '"^' '-""I*^- ^"•'''"'•« -1-bition aWugten 

'HeuT:ri::;:r;'re:ZitrTir -^^■^ f ^"-'^^"»" -'^ 
pr- J: p:, "■'':!' -f » -ri:rp^;;h:fT Jiii' 

-f nests Falace— tlie other with an "ill Ivill ,, . ,, ^ 

..e bl,™dest Und of Kisses, to bet.:, il r 'iZnTth e^t 

.ii„.S:''t:r k: , ,;: ^-,:v^p™-- .w is 

of all u,a.d<i„d, Horatio ' Peta " J *^™"'"' "W™™! 

ed hin,self, ' '" ' <^»»tomporary went and hang- 



OFFICERS OF THE 

LOYAL PUBLICATION SOCIETY, 

863 BROADWAY, SIEW YORK. 



President. 

CHARLES KING. 

Treasurer. 

MORRIS KETOHUM. 

Secretary. 

JOHiSr AUSTIN STEVENS, Jr. 

Finance Coinniittec. 

CHARLES BUTLER, Chairman. 

GEORGE GRISWOLD, JACKSON S. SCHULTZ, 

MORRIS KETCHUM, A. C. RICHARDS, 

CHARLES H. MARSHALL, L. P. MORTON, 

HENRY A. HURLBUT, SETH B. HUNT, 

THOMAS N. DALE, DAVID DOWS, 

WILLIAM A. HALL, JOSIAH M. FISKE, 

T. B. CODDINGTON, JAMES McKAYE. 

Publication Committee. 

FRANCIS LIEBER, Chairman. 
G. P. LOWREY, Secretary. 

Executive Committee. 

WILLIAM T. BLODGETT, Chairman. 
GEORGE WARD NICHOLS, Secretary, 



LIBRARY OF CONGRESS 



012 027 021 7 # 

The Loyal Publication Society has already issued a large 
number of Slips and Pamphlets which have been widely cir- 
culated. Amongst the most important are the following : 



No. 1. 
2. 
3. 
4. 
5. 
6. 
7. 
8. 
9. 
10. 

11. 
12. 
13. 
14. 
15. 
16. 
17. 
18. 

19. 
20. 
21. 

22. 
23. 
24. 

25. 
26. 
27. 

28. 
29. 

30. 
31. 
32. 

33. 
34. 



Future of the North West, by Robert Dale Owen. 

Echo from the Army. 

Union Mass Meeting, Speeches of Brady, Van Buren, dec. 

Three Voices: the Soldier, Farmer and Poet. 

Voices from the Army. 

Northern True Men. 

Speech of Major-General Butler. 

Separation ; War without End. Ed. Laboulaye. 

The Venom and the Antidote. 

A few words in behalf of the Loyal Women of the United 

States, by One of Themselves. 
No Failure for the North. Atlantic Monthly. 
Address to King Cotton. Eugene Pelletan. 
How a Free People conduct a long War. Stille. 
The Preservation of the Union, a National Economic Necessity. 
Elements of Discords in Secessia, &c., &c. 
No Party now, but all for our Country. Francis Lieber. 
The Cause of the War. Col. Charles Anderson. 
Opinions of the early Presidents and of the Fathers of the 

Republic upon Slavery, and upon Negroes as Men and Soldiers. 

(Einl)cit unb i^'reilicit, yon ^cvmann Hafter. 

Military Despotism! Suspension of the Uabeas Corpus! &c. 
Letter addressed to the Opera-IIouse Meeting, Cincinnati, 

by Col. Charles Anderson. 
Emancipation is Peace. By Robert Dale Owen. 
Letter of Peter Cooper on Slave Emancipation. 
Patriotism. Sermon by the Bev. Jos. Fransioli, of St. Peter's 

(Catholic) Church, Brooklyn. 
The Conditions of Reconstruction, by Robert Dale Oiven. 
Letter to the President, by Gen. A. J. Hamilton, of Texas. 
Nullification and Compromise : a Retrospective View. 
The Death of Slavery. Letter from Peter Cooper to Gov. Seymour. 
Plantations for Slave Labor the Death of the Yeomanry. 

By Francis Lieber. 
Rebel Conditions of Peace. 
Address of the Loyal Leagues. 
AVar Power of the President — Summary Imprisonment — 

by J. Sarrnans. 
The Two Ways of Treason. 
The Monroe Doctrine, &c. 



Loyal Leagues, Clubs, or iMdivi(hials may obtain any of our 
Publications at the cost price, by a})))lication to the Executive 
Committee, or by calling at tlie Jiooms of the Society, JS^o. 863 
Broadway, where all information may be obtained relating to 
the Society. 



